RNU Insight into the Current Militarisation of the North of Ireland

national | crime and justice | opinion/analysis Monday October 03, 2011 21:16 by RNU PRO - Republican Network for Unity (RNU)

RNU Insight into the Current Militarisation of the North of Ireland

A 32 County Democratic Socialist Republic was proclaimed on Easter Monday, 1916 and was followed by a week-long Uprising. Britain’s violent response to the Rising was predictable and brutal. However, unlike previous Rebellions, a major political and military Uprising began soon afterwards that engulfed much of the Country.

In the 1918 General Election the majority of Candidates elected to represent the Irish people subscribed to the Republic proclaimed in 1916. They refused to take their seats in Westminster and formed a separate Dáil Éireann or Irish Assembly in Dublin. The Dáil Representatives democratically endorsed the Republic and also produced the radical Declaration of Independence.

In response, the British Government declared it an illegal Assembly, imprisoned many of its representatives, militarised the RIC, created a new Auxillary Police and deployed thousands of English troops across Ireland. It also announced that Ireland was to be partitioned into two separate States under the British Crown. In direct opposition to the democratic declaration of a 32 County Republic.

Since partition in 1921, the Irish people have repeatedly asserted their right to self-determination and a restoration of national sovereignty. These legitimate demands have regularly been been denied by the British Government, who regularly cite that Unionists want to remain in the United Kingdom.

The Unionist Government in 1969, violently resisted calls to reform the Orange State with the murder of innocent Nationalists, brutal attacks against Civil Rights marchers and ectarian Pogroms. In previous decades, working-class Nationalists called upon Republicans to protect them. The middle-class asked Westminster to intervene. The IRA spilt over its failure to defend the Nationalist/Republican community. London ordered the British Army onto the streets of Derry and Belfast. The pretense behind the deployment was to; ‘restore law and order’. Although, it was clear to Republicans from the outset that their presence was to uphold Stormont rule.

During the next few decades, the Republican and Socialist Republican Movements successfully exposed British imperialism in Ireland. They also fought British Forces and the RUC in the streets, lanes and fields across the six occupied Counties and beyond. The Provisional IRA called an end to hostilities in August, 1994. They resumed Operations for a period of time but again declared a Ceasefire in 1997. Since then, they have decommissioned weapons and left the military stage in 2005. The INLA called an end to offensive operations in 1998 but reserved the right to engage in defensive actions. They eventually decommissioned their arsenal in 2009 and opted for political rather than armed struggle.

Secretary Of State:

Despite the spin by Politicians, Journalists and Media Pundits regarding the Good Friday Agreement (1998) the reality is the British Government retains full power over six Irish Counties. It’s Secretary of State for Northern Ireland (SOS) is an important Minister in the British Cabinet. He or she has many powers that can be invoked at any time the Proconsul desires.

According to the Public Enquiries Act (2005) the SOS has the power to order a public inquiry, appoint presiding officers, intervene in ongoing enquiries and to withhold any finding from the public, he/she so wishes.

He/she can deploy the 5,000 British troops still stationed in the Six Counties back onto streets, suspend/close Stormont and declare widespread Internment. The SOS can also refuse the Policing Board’s recommendation for a new Chief Constable.

In the event of legal proceedings against the RUC/PSNI relating to a Stop/Search Operation, the SOS can prevent the challenge by issuing a certificate stating; ‘that the stop/seach of a person, property or area was justified in the interests of national security’. The Political Police previously confirmed to the Human Rights Commission that; ‘there was dialogue about specific applications, it was not aware of any instance where the SOS actually refused or curtailed any Section 44, 21, 24 authorisation’.

British Army Regiments:

The British Proconsul has full Ministerial power over British troops still garrisioned in the Six Counties. Each British regiment consists of some 600 soldiers stationed in military bases in Counties Antrim, Derry, Tyrone Down and Armagh. Out of which they continue military operations. The most active of which is 321 EOD (Explosive Ordnance Squadron), which regularly deals with suspected explosive devices.

Other active regiments include, the Special Air Service (SAS) Special Boat Service (SBS), 14 Intelligence Company, Special Reconniassance Regiment (SRR) and the 18 Signal Regiment . The then RUC/PSNI Chief, Hugh Orde announced in 2009 that the SRR; ‘had been deployed in Northern Ireland to help gather intelligence on d------t republicans’. He was strongly criticised by Nationalist Politicians and Republican Groups for using the Regiment. Orde later added; ‘the deployment was a national security issue’.

The SRR was previously named the Force Research Unit (FRU) and has between 100 – 300 personnel that specialise in surveillance and intelligence gathering. The 14 Intelligence Company, Special Reconniassance Regiment (SRR), 18 Signal Regiment together with the SAS and SBS form the Counter-Insurgency Regiments of the British Crown Forces. Altogether there are between eight and ten active Regiments in the North.

MI5 - British Security Service:

The remit of MI5 includes protection of the British parliamentary democracy, economic interests, counter-terrorism and counter-espionage in the United Kingdom (UK). Although it is mainly concerned with ‘internal security’, it does have an overseas role. MI5 has its Headquarters in London since 1995, which is shared with the Northern Ireland Office (NIO) and is also home to the Joint Terrorism Analysis Centre, a subordinate organisation to the Security Service.

Its other major building is housed inside Palace Barracks, a British military complex just outside Belfast. Where

The Barracks is also the Regimental Headquarters of the Royal Irish Regiment (RIR) previously known as the Ulster Defence Regiment or UDR.

The Security Service comes under the authority of the British Home Secretary within the Westminster Cabinet. MI5 is responsible for international terrorism, the British National Security Advice Centre, Irish and domestic terrorism, technical and surveillance operations.

An Executive Liaison Group (ELG) enables MI5 and the RUC/PSNI to share secret, sensitive and raw intelligence with one another. These groups make joint decisions about how best to gather evidence and prosecute suspects in the Courts. Each organization works in partnership throughout but MI5 retain the lead for collecting, assessing and exploiting intelligence. Whilst the RUC/PSNI have take responsibility for gathering evidence and arrests.

RUC/PSNI:

The RUC/PSNI is a British Police Force that exist to protect imperialist interests in the Six Counties. MI5 have full access to all RUC/PSNI all ‘intelligence and surveillence reports’ that provide the British Security Service with primacy in policing operations. The Secretary of State can also veto the Policing Board’s recommendation for a new Chief Constable. Which rules the Stormont Minister of Justice and Policing Board irrelevant.

Despite the spin, MI5 control of the RUC/PSNI makes the NI Policing Board ineffective in holding the Force to account. The Chief Constable and his Assistants can answer ‘National Security’ or ‘Operational Matter’ to block attempts an account of RUC/PSNI Activities. Under this system, the District Policing Partnerships (DPPs’) are also irrelevant.

The Chief Constable and his predcessors have all blocked inquiries into the hundreds of killings of Irish citizens by British State Forces. They have also withheld sensitive documentation from the public concerning State collusion with the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and other Loyalist Armed Groups.

The Police Ombudsman’s Office is apparently accountable to the Stormont Assembly, through the Justice Minister. Its role is to investigate complaints against the RUC/PSNI . However, its recent reports into the McGurk’s and Loughlinisland Inquiries have exposed it obstructing the truth behind these murders and wholly unaccountable.

The Historical Enquiries Team (HET) was formed in 2005 to investigate killings that took place during the Conflict. Many of its members are former RUC personnel and are only answerable to the Chief Constable. Claims that the HET is an independent investigative body does not hold up to scrutiny.

Informers:

Common methods used by the British Crown Forces of recruiting Informers, include entrapment, assistance with criminal charges, financial inducement, seduction and blackmail. The RUC/PSNI continue to bribe and blackmail vunerable citizens into becoming Informers for British Intelligence Agencies.

In 2005, an Assistant Chief Constable authorised the use of children as ‘Covert Human Intelligence Sources’ otherwise known as Informers. At the time, the RUC/PSNI said; ‘Youths can be used to inform on their own family in exceptional circumstances but not their parents. Any questions about such a child`s treatment should be referred to the head of its intelligence branch’. Former Ombudsman, Nuala O’Loan published a damming report in 2007 that revealed lengths the RUC went to protect UVF Informers from charges into a dozen killings during the 1990’s.

In 2010, the political Police demanded a Belfast teenager monitor and report the activities of Republican Activists. Otherwise he would be sent to prison fro minor criminality. He was encouraged by his RUC/PSNI Handlers to plant explosives and a firearm at the behest of his handlers at a property belonging to a known Republican. Which begs the question just how many Republicans have been incarcerated as a result of ‘evidence’ being planted. Many other Irish citizens have also been offered large amounts of money to become British Agents. The Belfast Telegraph revealed that the RUC/PSNI bill for running Informers amounted to over £400,000 in 2010.

Plastic Bullets:

In spite of 17 deaths directly attributed to the use of Rubber and Plastic Bullets, the Unionist Militia retain and fire them at the civilian populace in ‘riot situations’. According to the Relatives of Justice (RFJ), ‘nine of the seventeen victims were children. None of those killed was involved in rioting at the time of their deaths. The use of plastic bullets was the actual cause of subsequent civil disturbances’.

The ‘rules’ that govern the use of these bullets have been repeatedly broken for decades by the British Crown Forces. In spite of this, millions of pounds have been paid to victims and survivors in compensation. No member of the British Army and RUC/PSNI has ever been convicted.

According to a report published by the Royal Victoria Hospital (RVH) Belfast in 2005. It reviewed injuries from Plastic Bullets over a four month period. Twenty nine patients were included in the study. Eighty nine per cent were male; the average age was 24.3 years. Seven patients required admission. There were no fatalities. Five injuries were to the upper limbs and 16 to the lower limbs. Three patients sustained pulmonary contusions.

41.4% of victims had face, neck and head injuries. While a reduction in head injuries is noted, potentially serious chest injuries are still occurring. It must also be noted that a large proportion of people who have been struck by plastic baton rounds do not attend A&E Departments for fear of being charged with an offence. Therefore doctors must be aware of patients with potentially serious injuries presenting late.

Two years later, the RVH again reported injuries resulting from Plastic Bullets renamed (Attenuated Energy Projectile or AEP) in patients who present to our Emergency Department.

The study reported six injuries above the level of the clavicle, to the head, face or neck. There were three chest injuries, seven lower limb injuries and two upper limb injuries. There were no abdominal injuries. Seven patients required hospital admission. Five patients required surgical intervention. One patient required protective, elective intubation and one patient required the insertion of a chest drain.

Unwelcome Marches:

The RUC/PSNI continue to force unwanted sectarian marches through Nationalist/Republican communities. on a regular basis. Against the wishes of those communities. Places like Portadown, Newtownbutler, Rasharkin, Ardoyne and Derry are subjected to triumphalist and coat-trailing parades on a regular basis.

Whenever residents protest against these unwelcome marches they are arrested, charged with various ‘offences’ by the RUC/PSNI and criminalised by British Courts.

Conclusion:

Abuses of human rights perpetrated by the British and Stormont Governments and their armed forces in the 20th Century are well-documented. What is unrecorded are the continuation of such abuses by the London and Belfast Administrations in the 21st Century.

While still under the direct control of the Westminster Goverment, the RUC/PSNI have flouted European Law by retaining DNA samples and fingerprints of thousands of of Irish citizens, including children. Under Stormont, this continues and is ignored by Nationalist Politicans.

In spite of international law, the North’s Political Police used its Section 44: Stop and Search legislation until the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) ruled in July, 2010 against its use. The RUC/PSNI continue to use draconian laws against citizens by using a siminlar law entitled, Section 21, 24 - Stop and Search. There are serious concerns that the existence of such powers leads to its arbitrary exercise and its use in a discriminatory manner.

The RUC/PSNI has the power of twenty-eight day arrest/detention powers which in any civilised society would be deemed excessive. Any citizen can be arrested and held in detention for a period of 28 days.