Murder Caught On Tape Cover-up By Almost All Politicians In Dublin

international | crime and justice | news report

Saturday January 08, 2011 20:19

by Rebels YELL - ...that great and respectable class, the men of no property". ...

Fianna Fail, Fine Gael & Labour Help Britain Get Away with Murder of Dubliners and Their Irish Constituents.

For several years now under the arrangements of the peace agreement in Ireland, the British intelligence service MI5, with its 500 strong agents in both its €35 million Hollywood headquarters in British Occupied Ireland and its subordinates in Dublin Castle, have run an army of spies, the PSNI and the Gardai in the South to police all of Ireland. Despite organizing several no warning car bombs, during the course of the troubles from Dublin to Belfast, that have murdered hundreds of people. They do so with the blessing of almost all of Ireland's politicians, from the three major parties in the south.

Fianna Fail, Fine Gael & Labour Help Britain Get Away with Murder of Dubliners and Their Irish Constituents.

For several years now under the arrangements of the peace agreement in Ireland, the British intelligence service MI5, with its 500 strong agents in both its €35 million Hollywood headquarters in British Occupied Ireland and its subordinates in Dublin Castle, have run an army of spies, the PSNI and the Gardai in the South to police all of Ireland. Despite organizing several no warning car bombs, during the course of the troubles from Dublin to Belfast, that have murdered hundreds of people. They do so with the blessing of almost all of Ireland's politicians, from the three major parties in the south. This murderous MI5 gang who police all of Ireland, are answerable to no one, least of all these Irish politicians who collaborate in the carnage of its own Irish people. MI5 also runs low intensity counter-insurgency operations and sting operations on traditional republican groups. It also has created gangs run by its local agents, as it formerly used to run most loyalist murder gangs. British MI6 runs the drug business in all of Ireland.

One of MI5's main tactics has been to organize many sting and entrapment operations, to jail scores of perfectly innocent Irish people with republican beliefs. Alongside this, they are blackmailing other groups, into various accommodations with the British. Martin McGuinness is quite familiar with the details of what the British are currently up to in this particular matter.

It appears of late that certain sections of the Garda CSB is staging a bit of a mutiny against their MI5 British masters and several dirty tricks operations they are conducting in the South. Despite unusual silence in certain quarters, word is that open warfare has broken out between various sections of the Gardai no longer loyal to the British. The resulting paranoia in the ranks of the Gardai has halted several high profile operations.as the British battle to regain total control of policing in all of Ireland.

Gerry Kelly of PSF made a token protests a while back that the British government's decision to maintain MI5 at the core of policing in Ireland, saying it breaks commitments to accountability in the peace agreement.
"The influence of Special Branch and MI5 needs to be wound down not supported and expanded. Democratic accountability and an end to political policing is a fundamental requirement of the Good Friday Agreement," said Kelly.

Ombudsperson Nuala O'Loan has serious concerns about the British government's handing over responsibility for 'security' in the Six Counties to MI5, an organisation outside any form of statutory control.
The Ombudsperson's office does not have MI5 to co-operate with it. O'Loan said it was vitally important to access intelligence material. O'Loan called for legislative accountability that would compel British intelligence agencies to disclose information. No such demands from the Irish politicians in the South from Fianna Fail, Fine Gael and Labour, all of whom who are falling over themselves to do the murderous bidding of MI5. MI5's part in numerous no warning car bombs all over Ireland including Dublin and Monaghan is explained well in the following article.

HIDDEN HAND - THE FORGOTTEN MASSACRE

After a profound investigation the producers of Hidden Hand - The Forgotten Massacre had dig up a list containing the names of 20 possible suspects of the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings. Each and every name on that list, which was composed by Gardaí and Constabulary within days after the explosions, belonged to a person affiliated with the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). Moreover witnesses were able to identify at least two drivers. Strange yet true, with the possible perpetrators within reach no one was arrested or even questioned by neither Constabulary nor Gardaí.
In addition the producers observed that the operation was technically far too complex for the organisation to accomplish without outside assistance.

The question as to where such assistance might have come from remained unanswered, but the producers stumbled upon a covert base of the Special Air Service (SAS) in Castledillon, County Armagh. It is suspected that this base, officially occupied by the Royal Engineers, accommodated a Special Air Service (SAS) unit known as Northern Ireland Training and Tactics Team (NITAT) from 1973 until 1975.
This period more or less coincides with a period of profound segmentation between the British domestic and foreign security services MI5 and MI6. The Secret Intelligence Service or MI6 aimed at a political solution to end the violence in Northern Ireland and supported the Sunningdale Agreement, whereas MI5, the Secret Service entrusted with domestic intelligence, was determined to prosecute the war against the Republican paramilitaries. In order to achieve their goals MI5 made advances to the outlawed Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and it is assumed that the Special Air Service (SAS) unit in Castledillon infiltrated the Portadown division of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). Probably the Special Air Service (SAS) also provided training facilities and even firearms and explosives. There are also witness reports stating that bombs were manufactured with explosives obtained from the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) in buildings controlled by officers of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC).

The documentary didn't yield definite answers and closure, but it did provide sturdy foundations for the rumours of colluding British intelligence and a cover-up operation. Apparently the producers had washed someone's dirty linen because the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) suddenly issued a statement on 15 July claiming [...] without reservation that the entire operation was from its conception to its successful conclusion, planned and carried out by our volunteers aided by no outside bodies.. Rather remarkable to claim responsibility four decades after causing such havoc. More surprising or even suspicious is the rigorous denial of outside assistance. In fact this denial is the main theme of the brief statement. It might be an indication of overcompensation, in the psychological meaning, or a real strong attempt to shield off whoever or whatever they felt needed their protection.

Armed with the findings of the producers relatives and casualties of the bombings joined in pressure groups such as Justice for the Forgotten and the call for a full public inquiry got louder. Finally, on 19 December 1999 Justice Liam Hamilton was appointed to undertake a thorough examination, involving fact finding and assessment of all aspects of the bombings in 1974. Justice Henry Barron, who succeeded Justice Hamilton in 2000 due to illness, published the report of the commission of inquiry on 10 December 2003. Instead of the long-awaited clarification, this report was a bitter disappointment and provided barely new information.
After the first report, which covered only the Dublin and Monaghan Bombings of May 1974 and the Dundalk Bombing of 19 December 1975, Justice Baron published his second report, concerning the Dublin Bombings of 1972 and 1973 and the bombing in Belturbet in December 1972, in February 2005. Just as in his first report Justice Barron concluded that there was no firm evidence of British collusion. The report however is highly critical of the surprising and disappointing lack of co-operation of the British authorities.

Occasionally new incriminating leads surface. Most of them give support to the idea that British secret services were to some extend involved in several bombings committed by the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) in the Republic of Ireland between 1972 and 1974. Relatives and survivors somehow has to deal with the knowledge that composition photos, eye witness reports and even names leading to the possible perpetrators are stored somewhere deep down in a locked file cabinet....from ...
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